HOW ADANI AND AMBANI ARE STEALTHILY FUELING BJP’S HINDUTVA AGENDA

Tue 29 October 2024:

The convergence of political power and economic dominance in India has often drawn comparisons to the rise of fascist regimes in history. A popular sentiment is that when politicians and businessmen form close alliances, the result can resemble fascism—a claim that finds resonance in the current political scenario of India. The strategic partnership between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and two of the country’s wealthiest industrialists, Gautam Adani and Mukesh Ambani, has led to concerns about an undeclared fascism taking root in India. This bond not only exemplifies the confluence of political and economic power but also highlights the broader ideological (Hindutva) project that ties back to the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), the ideological parent of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP).

The roots of fascism: RSS, BJP, and historical admiration for authoritarianism

The RSS, the ideological nucleus from which the BJP draws much of its inspiration, has long harbored sympathies for fascist ideologies. It is well-documented that RSS leaders have admired authoritarian figures such as Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini. This admiration stems from a shared belief in the centralization of power, the subjugation of minorities, and the creation of a homogenous nation-state. The RSS’s literature contains references to these ideologies, and historically, its leaders have sought inspiration from Mussolini’s fascist Italy.

As the RSS nurtured its vision of a Hindu Rashtra, it needed a political vehicle to implement its agenda. This vehicle first materialized as the Jan Sangh in the 1950s, which was later reorganized into the BJP in 1980. The BJP, while ostensibly a democratic political party, operates within a larger ideological framework that prioritizes Hindu majoritarianism over the pluralistic values of Indian democracy. For the RSS, achieving its goal of Hindutva is not possible in a system of loose democratic governance—it requires a strong, centralized, and authoritarian regime. In Narendra Modi, the RSS found the ideal candidate to implement this vision.

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The Modi-Adani-Ambani nexus: A strategic power play

The relationship between Modi and Adani is emblematic of the fusion of political power and corporate influence. During the 2014 Lok Sabha election campaign, Modi, then the Chief Minister of Gujarat, made extensive use of private jets and helicopters supplied by the Adani Group. The image of Modi flashing a victory sign while boarding an Adani jet on May 23, 2014, the day India’s general election results were declared, became symbolic of the close ties between the two.

Adani’s fortunes soared under Modi’s tenure as Gujarat’s Chief Minister and later as Prime Minister. The Adani Group, initially a commodity trading business, quickly expanded into infrastructure, energy, and ports. By the time Modi took national office, Adani’s business empire was firmly established, and its growth accelerated in tandem with Modi’s political rise. The connection between the two is seen not merely as a coincidence but as a calculated partnership that benefited both sides—Modi secured the financial backing he needed for his political ambitions, and Adani reaped the rewards of favorable government policies.

Narendra Modi flashing a victory sign while boarding an Adani private jet on the day India’s general election results were declared on 23 May 2014

Mukesh Ambani, another key player in this nexus, has similarly enjoyed massive business growth during the BJP’s tenure. Under Modi’s pro-business policies, Ambani’s Reliance Industries expanded its footprint in telecommunications, retail, and energy. Ambani’s telecommunications venture, Jio, became a behemoth in the Indian market, reshaping the landscape of digital communication and commerce in the country. Like Adani, Ambani’s proximity to power is not just a matter of business strategy—it is part of a larger narrative of economic nationalism that aligns with the BJP’s Hindutva-driven agenda.

Gautam Adani and Anil Ambani signed no less than 18 deals during overseas trips with PM Modi

Companies led by Gautam Adani and Anil Ambani signed at least 18 agreements during overseas trips where they accompanied Prime Minister Narendra Modi. This compilation of deals is based on publicly available information, including media reports, highlighting the close association between these prominent businessmen and the Prime Minister’s international engagements.

Corporate-backed nationalism and the Hindutva project

The economic rise of Adani and Ambani under BJP rule is closely intertwined with the party’s broader socio-political goals. Both industrialists have contributed, directly and indirectly, to the consolidation of BJP’s power. The use of electoral bonds, which allow anonymous donations to political parties, has been a key mechanism through which corporations like Adani and Ambani provide financial backing to the BJP without facing public scrutiny. This flow of money has enabled the BJP to build an unprecedented campaign infrastructure, outspending its rivals and cementing its dominance in Indian politics.

Adani- and Ambani-owned media fuelling division and hatred to advance Hindutva agenda

Gautam Adani’s entry into the media industry is a relatively recent development compared to Mukesh Ambani’s well-established media empire. In 2022, the Adani Group made a significant move by acquiring a substantial stake in NDTV (New Delhi Television Ltd.), one of India’s most respected news networks. This acquisition signaled Adani’s intent to expand his reach in the media space.

Adani Media Ventures (AMV)

The Adani Group created Adani Media Ventures (AMV) as its flagship entity for media-related investments. Through AMV, Adani aims to broaden his influence across both traditional and digital media platforms. The acquisition of NDTV was a major milestone in this strategy, but the group’s ambitions suggest further investments in news and entertainment media are on the horizon.

Currently, NDTV is Adani’s primary media asset. However, the group is actively working to expand its media presence. A significant move in this direction was Adani’s acquisition of Indo-Asian News Service (IANS) in December 2022, which complemented its earlier stake in NDTV and the acquisition of Quintillion Business Media. These investments reflect Adani’s broader plan to strengthen his control over news and information distribution in India.

While Adani’s presence in the media industry is growing, Mukesh Ambani has already established considerable influence. His ownership of Network18, which operates channels like CNN-News18, CNBC-TV18, and a host of regional networks, has allowed him to shape the national narrative. Many critics argue that these media outlets frequently present BJP policies in a favorable light while downplaying dissent.

Notably, in addition to fueling anti-Muslim sentiment, when the Modi government introduced the three controversial farm laws—widely seen as benefiting Adani and Ambani—TV channels owned by both businessmen attempted to downplay the farmers’ protests. These media outlets went as far as to label the protesting farmers as anti-national and even terrorists, in an effort to discredit the movement

This concentration of media power in the hands of Ambani and Adani helps promote the Hindutva agenda that aligns with BJP’s vision of a culturally homogenous India. By controlling key media platforms, these business giants help suppress opposition and criticism, leaving little space for alternative perspectives. This media dominance supports the BJP’s efforts to build a Hindu-majoritarian narrative, reinforcing its socio-political goals while stifling meaningful public debate.

Privatization, resource allocation, and corporate dominance

Under the BJP government, the privatization of public assets has disproportionately benefited large conglomerates, particularly the Adani Group. From airports to coal mines, Adani has secured lucrative government contracts, often in regions that are home to vulnerable indigenous populations. The privatization drive aligns with the BJP’s broader agenda of promoting economic nationalism while sidelining social justice concerns. The BJP’s disdain for affirmative action, such as the reservation system, is well-known. Party leaders like L.K. Advani have historically opposed policies like the Mandal Commission report, which sought to expand representation for lower castes in public jobs and educational institutions. In this context, the rise of corporate monopolies under Modi’s government reflects a broader shift toward an elitist economic model that favors upper-caste Hindus and excludes marginalized groups.

The privatization of key resources not only enriches the corporate elite but also strengthens their role in shaping the national narrative. By controlling critical industries such as energy, telecommunications, and media, Adani and Ambani have amassed significant power to influence both economic policy and public opinion. This consolidation of power helps further the BJP’s vision of a culturally and economically homogenous India, where Hindu majoritarianism dominates the political discourse.

Silencing dissent and stifling opposition

The rise of Adani and Ambani, coupled with the BJP’s authoritarian tendencies, has had a chilling effect on dissent in India. Critics of the regime, including activists, journalists, and opposition politicians, often face harassment, legal challenges, and media blackouts. The cozy relationship between corporate giants and the ruling party creates an environment where dissenting voices are suppressed, either through direct intimidation or by monopolizing the media space.

BJP and RSS reap unexpected dividends from the rise of Adani and Ambani

According to CMS, the BJP accounted for nearly 45% of the total expenditure by political parties—approximately ₹60,000 crore—in the 2019 national elections. In 1998, the BJP’s share was much lower, at just 20%. The projected cost for the 2024 elections is expected to be double, around ₹135,000 crore.

Can anyone question how, within four years of coming to power, the BJP built a new headquarters larger than that of any other political party in the world? How did the RSS, a non-registered organization, manage to construct a 12-storey building with 350,000 square feet of built-up area in Jhandewalan, Delhi? What took the RSS 90 years to achieve has been accomplished in just 10 years.

Both office projects cost thousands of crore rupees. The BJP also plans to establish 768 offices across the country, with 563 already completed.

Satya Pal Malik, the former Governor of Jammu and Kashmir, publicly alleged that he was offered a ₹300 crore bribe in 2021 to clear two files, one related to Ambani and another to an RSS functionary. This allegation sheds light on the deep-rooted corruption and the extent to which corporate interests and political power are intertwined in Modi’s India.

The fascist template: Corporate-backed authoritarianism

The consolidation of political and economic power under Modi’s regime bears many hallmarks of fascism. Fascist regimes in history have often relied on the support of industrialists and corporate elites to maintain their grip on power. In return, these regimes provide favorable policies and government contracts to their business backers. The symbiotic relationship between Modi, Adani, and Ambani is no different. By controlling vast swathes of India’s economy and media landscape, Adani and Ambani play a critical role in enabling Modi’s authoritarian tendencies and furthering the Hindutva agenda.

This alliance between politics and business fosters a dangerous form of nationalism—one that prioritizes corporate interests and majoritarianism over social justice and democratic values. The idea of “self-reliant India” (Atmanirbhar Bharat) is often used to mask the crony capitalism that underpins the BJP’s economic policies. By promoting the success of homegrown corporations like Reliance and Adani, the BJP projects an image of economic strength and national pride. However, this rhetoric conveniently overlooks the social costs of privatization, corporate monopolies, and the erosion of democratic freedoms.

Over the past 12 years, nine non-BJP state governments have been replaced by the BJP without holding elections. Rahul Gandhi, leader of the Congress party, has consistently raised concerns over this trend, alleging that corporate funding from industrial giants like Ambani and Adani played a crucial role in these political changes. Gandhi argues that the BJP has used financial power, backed by large corporations, to undermine democratically elected governments and manipulate the political power in its favor. He claims that this alliance between corporate elites and the ruling party poses a serious threat to India’s democracy, as it shifts the focus of governance away from public interest and toward corporate gain. The consistent replacement of opposition governments without elections, Gandhi suggests, reflects the dangerous influence of money in politics, facilitated by a nexus between the BJP and India’s wealthiest industrialists.

The unfolding of an undeclared fascism/Hindutva

India under Narendra Modi has seen the emergence of an undeclared Hindu Rashtra, driven by the strategic alliance between political power and corporate dominance. The Modi-Adani-Ambani nexus is a clear example of how economic and political interests can converge to create a system that marginalizes dissent, stifles democracy, and promotes a narrow vision of nationalism. This alliance has not only enriched a select few but also advanced the broader ideological project of Hindutva, which seeks to reshape India into a Hindu-majority state with little room for religious and cultural diversity.

As India moves forward, the deep entanglement of politics and business under Modi’s rule poses a serious threat to the democratic fabric of the nation. The unchecked power of corporate giants like Adani and Ambani, coupled with the BJP’s authoritarian leanings, has created an environment where fascism thrives in all but name. The question now is whether India’s democratic institutions can withstand this assault or whether the country will continue its slide into an era of corporate-backed authoritarianism (Hindutva).

By Syed Zubair Ahmad

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