On a humid January day last year, a group of women activists gathered outside the UAE’s sprawling embassy in Pretoria’s upscale Waterkloof neighborhood. Among them were pensioners, homemakers, doctors, and journalists, standing resolute with large posters condemning the UAE’s complicity in the ongoing genocide in Gaza. As they chanted in unison, their voices carrying the weight of solidarity, the embassy’s gates swung open, allowing a procession of luxury vehicles to glide past—diplomats, perhaps even the Ambassador, seemingly indifferent to their protest. Undeterred, the activists, led by their eldest member, raised their fists and called out, “Amandla!”—to which the others responded, “Awethu!” Power to the people! Their voices had barely faded when a security guard across the road grumbled in a thick Afrikaans accent, “What does Amandla have to do with Palestine?” It’s a question not uncommon, even among some South Africans: Why should we care about a conflict so far away when our own country has its own struggles?
But as Nelson Mandela famously declared, “South Africa will not be free until Palestine is free.” This article explores the deep connections between conflicts in the DRC, the role of Rwanda and Israel in fueling instability, and how South Africa is entangled in these geopolitical struggles. It argues that true freedom cannot come at the expense of others and that, just as Israel weaponizes its tragic history of genocide, South Africa and the international community must continue to demand accountability for all perpetrators of violence.
The relationships between the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), Rwanda, South Africa, and Israel are often overlooked in mainstream discussions about global trade and politics. Yet beneath the surface, these connections reveal a complex system of economic exploitation, geopolitical maneuvering, and human rights concerns. From illicit mining networks to political alliances that shape regional and global policies, these nations find themselves entangled in a web of power dynamics that warrant closer scrutiny.
The Trade Nexus: DRC, Rwanda, and Israel
The DRC, rich in natural resources such as diamonds, coltan, and gold, has long suffered from resource exploitation. Rwanda, under President Paul Kagame, has faced accusations of benefiting from illicit mining operations in the DRC, fueling regional tensions. Israeli businesses, particularly those in the mining and security sectors, have played a role in facilitating this trade.
While Israel presents itself as a development partner in Africa, its deepening presence in the mining and security industries raises questions about its true objectives. The flow of diamonds from African conflict zones to Israeli markets has been documented, highlighting the murky trade networks that sustain industries while leaving local populations vulnerable to economic and political instability.
Recent developments in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) have intensified international scrutiny of Rwanda’s involvement in the region. The United Nations Security Council, in its recent deliberations, has expressed profound concern over the resurgence of hostilities in eastern DRC, particularly the activities of the M23 rebel group. Reports indicate that M23 rebels, allegedly supported by Rwanda, have seized significant territories, including parts of Goma, the largest city in eastern DRC. This escalation has led to widespread displacement and a deteriorating humanitarian situation.
In response, the Security Council has reiterated its commitment to the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the DRC. The Council has called for an immediate cessation of hostilities and emphasized the need for regional actors to respect international borders. Furthermore, there is a growing push within the Council to explicitly name Rwanda as a supporter of the M23 rebels, a move that could pave the way for targeted sanctions.
Israel’s Military Ties to Rwanda: A History of Arms Sales
One of the lesser-known aspects of Israel’s relationship with Africa is its history of arms sales to Rwanda, both before and after the 1994 genocide. In the years leading up to the genocide, Israel supplied weapons to the Rwandan government despite rising concerns about ethnic tensions. These sales included firearms and ammunition used by government forces and militias.
In the post-genocide period, Israel deepened its military cooperation with Rwanda under Kagame’s leadership, offering security training and technological expertise.
Israel has been instrumental in providing Rwanda military equipment that goes beyond arms but also includes surveillance and drone technology used to suppress any dissent to Kagame’s rule. In addition, Rwandan police and military regularly engage in training by Israel’s genocidal IDF. Some of the Small Arms and Light Weapons supplied to Rwanda by Israel include Galil assault rifles, Uzi Submachine guns, Negev Light Machine Guns, surveillance and intelligence Equipment, Drone Technology: Israeli companies like Elbit Systems have reportedly provided drones for reconnaissance and surveillance, enhancing Rwanda’s monitoring capabilities. Israel has also exported cyber tools and technologies that assist Rwanda in intelligence gathering and communication interception.
Rwanda has sourced crowd control gear, including tear gas, rubber bullets, and protective gear, used for internal security and managing civil unrest. And crucially, Israel provides Rwanda with Advanced border monitoring systems to control and monitor the movement of people and goods, particularly important given Rwanda’s proximity to conflict zones in the DRC. After all it has almost 80 years of experience in surveilling Palestinians under occupation.
We should question why South Africa’s National Prosecuting Authority hasn’t acted against citizens serving in a foreign army for Israel, committing massacres of children and women in Gaza.
Is South Africa being ‘persuaded’ by the US/Israeli backed Kagame regime to drop any thought of prosecuting those involved in crimes against humanity in exchange for facilitating the safe return of the embattled South African troops in Sake and Goma?
The Israel-Rwanda partnership raises serious concerns about human rights violations, suppression of opposition, and the continued militarization of the region.
It should be noted that Israel’s interest in supporting the Hutu regime came from its reading of the Tutsi refugee problem as akin to the masses of Palestinians that Israel violently and illegally evicted from Palestine. Israel thought of Rwandan Hutus as a natural ally to the issue of Palestine. “They understand the refugee problem since tens of thousands of Tutsis are sitting across the border, and it is well known that they are supported by the Arabs (There are Tutsi offices in Cairo, Algiers, and Rabat),” Aryeh Levin, an Israeli diplomat in Kigali, wrote on February 21st, 1966.
But as successive decades have shown, Zionist ideology can adapt to suit its interests to the point that only alliances Israel can be sure of maintaining is one in which it gets maximum extraction from. Indeed, the genocide committed against the Palestinians over the past year and half has unmasked the brutal self-interest that is always at the heart of Israeli politics.
Apartheid South Africa and Israel: A Strategic Alliance
South Africa and Israel shared a long and controversial alliance during the apartheid era, bound together by military cooperation, economic exchanges, and diplomatic support. Despite international condemnation of apartheid, Israel maintained strong relations with the white minority regime in Pretoria, providing military technology, arms, and intelligence cooperation. In return, South Africa supplied Israel with key raw materials, including uranium for its nuclear program.
This historical partnership challenges the idea that opposition to Zionism is inherently religious in nature. Instead, it aligns more closely with anti-apartheid struggles that reject racial and ethnic supremacy in any form. Just as the world ultimately came to view apartheid as an unacceptable system of oppression, many critics argue that Israel’s policies toward Palestinians mirror the same principles of exclusion, displacement, and segregation. The parallels between the two regimes highlight that anti-Zionism and anti-apartheid positions are ideological stances against state-sanctioned discrimination rather than religious or ethnic conflicts.
South Africa, De Beers, and the Struggle for Economic Justice
Despite being one of the world’s largest diamond producers, South Africa has reaped far fewer benefits from its resources than it should. The historical control of De Beers overpricing, export duties, and market supply chains has shaped the country’s economic trajectory in ways that favor corporate interests over national development.
Beyond South Africa’s borders, De Beers has also been linked to the diamond trade in the DRC, further embedding the country in an economic system that extracts wealth while providing little in return. The South African government has made attempts to regulate the diamond industry more effectively, but the entrenched influence of global corporations continues to pose challenges. “The gap between the industry’s presence in South Africa and its contributions to the country’s coffers has its roots in how diamonds are valued in South Africa and who controls the process,” said Claude Nobels, a former government diamond valuator. Nobel is quoted in a 2014 brilliantly in-depth report by Khadija Sharife, entitled, ‘Rough and Polished: South Africa shortchanged on the Diamond trade’, that appears on the 100reporters. org website.
According to her research, Sharife uncovered massive losses for the South African government due to the dominance of the same mining companies in the diamond evaluation process making a mockery of the state’s ‘regulation’ of the industry. Until 2012, government diamond reports often omitted the value and volume of local and export sales. Reports for other commodities such as gold and platinum, however, teemed with data.
From 2005 to 2012, diamond exporters, primarily De Beers, appear to have downplayed the market value of their rough diamond exports by $3 billion, according to an analysis* of declarations in corporate filings under the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, the rough diamond tracking system used to keep conflict gems off the world market. The previously undervalued assets were subsequently sold at market prices internationally.
The report further found that South African companies here pay a royalty rate far lower than that of other African states. Companies can also reduce or cancel out export taxes if they offer locally-mined diamonds to the state for purchase—even if the South African government never buys the gems, often due to formidably unreasonable prices.
Martin Kohler, Deputy Director of Statistics for the Department of Mineral Resources (D.M.R.), said the government withholds diamond data to protect big producers, the largest among them De Beers, unless the companies authorize the release of the information.
From 2005 to 2012, diamond exporters, primarily De Beers, appear to have downplayed the market value of their rough diamond exports by $3 billion, according to an analysis of declarations in corporate filings under the Kimberley Process Certification Scheme, the rough diamond tracking system used to keep conflict gems off the world market. The same undervalued gems were then sold at market prices around the world.
Israeli links to illegal mining in the DRC
Israel’s sells itself as the tech hub of the world after India and China. Despite not having any natural deposits of minerals its main exports include cut diamonds, high-technology equipment (whose components also require diamonds) and agricultural products (much of it from occupied Palestinian land). An Israeli website describes the state as ‘highly dependent on imports of coal, petroleum, food, and production inputs, especially since access to natural resources are relatively scarce.
Today the 80,000 square meters that makes up the Israeli Diamond Exchange is the largest in the world, based on the cutting and polishing of diamonds sourced from outside Israel. The idea that Israel has not been involved in handling and benefitting from the illegal mining and smuggling of blood diamonds from the DRC is implausible. Looking at the influence of just a single Israeli citizen, Dan Gertler, and his larger-than-life influence over politics and business inside the DRC is sufficient to dispel any doubts about Israel’s role in the current violence in the mineral rich eastern DRC. According to Forbes magazine, the 51-year-old has a personal fortune of some $1,2 billion, accumulated mainly by the sale of two mines in the DRC to Swiss based Glencore. The exponential growth in demand for copper, aluminum, and cobalt – all critical components in electric vehicles and other tech means that Gertler and his connections will remain relevant to the political process in the eastern DRC and Rwanda.
Gertler shrewdly played the role of intermediary between the DRC under Joseph Kabila and international mining companies between 2001 and 2019. It was a relationship that would always benefit Gertler and the many companies he has stakes in, to the detriment of the state. This did not mean that Kabila lost out. On the contrary, with the help of Gertler’s connections in Washington and Europe, Kabila and his cronies personally benefitted enormously from the trade in the DRC’s abundance in the three T’s (Titanium, Tin and Tantalum), in addition to diamonds.
The anti-corruption coalition, ‘Congo is Not for Sale (CNPAV)’, say that the DRC has at the very least lost an estimated $4 billion in revenue due to Gertler’s activities. This estimate is not unlikely given that more than a decade ago in 2013, Kofi Annan’s Africa Progress Panel foundation found that ‘agreements with Gertler on five highly prized copper and cobalt concessions have deprived the DRC of 1.36 billion dollars’.
Rwanda has an equally interesting story to explain when it boasts formidable sums of export in cobalt and the three T’s despite having negligible amounts of those minerals within its borders. Indeed, Rwanda’s questionable export data suggest that it benefits disproportionately from the mineral wealth of the DRC, giving credence to the UN reports of Rwandan military backing the M23 rebels despite the latter’s claim to be fighting for political power against the Tshisekedi regime. With the capture of Goma. the M23 has direct access to a key border city and smuggling route into Rwanda. In a 2024 report on the conflict, the UN estimates that the rebels have smuggled at least 150 metric tons of coltan into Rwanda last year.
Israel’s Use of Agriculture and Mining to Influence Africa
Israel’s engagement in Africa extends beyond military and security partnerships—it has also sought to leverage agricultural and mining expertise to gain influence. Companies like Netafim have provided agricultural technology to African states, promoting Israel as a leader in water management and desert agriculture.
However, these engagements often come with diplomatic expectations and harsh loan conditions that have created new dependencies. Several African nations have been pressured to shift their positions on Palestine in exchange for Israeli investment. This strategic use of economic partnerships as leverage reflects a broader pattern in which Israel seeks to align African states with its geopolitical agenda. In January 2018 Israeli media were abuzz with news that Rwanda had signed a secret deal with Israel to take in illegal African immigrants (for the sum of $5,000 per immigrant) and caused a storm of debate over their bilateral relations. Rwanda denied that any plan was in place, however, similarly to the UK plan that never materialized, Kagame is considered a useful autocrat with whom the West and Israel can use for its own interests. Rwanda is positioning itself as a highly valuable and indispensable player, as highlighted in a recent Africa Report article.
According to Africa Report, Rwanda currently contributes the second-largest police and troop deployment to UN peacekeeping operations. At least 5,000 troops are deployed as part of UN missions in South Sudan and the Central African Republic.
In an interview with Africa Report, Liam Karr, security analyst and Africa team lead at the American Enterprise Institute (AEI) says that Rwanda has used its image for ‘sportswashing’ that many Arab Gulf countries are accused of.” Karr outlines the Rwandan state’s involvement in pushing for investment from the EU, US and Formula 1 organizers to see Rwanda as a safe investment for their expansion on the continent.
When a premier league European football team like Arsenal is sponsored by Rwanda it is clear that Kagame has a long-term strategy similar to those of the UAE in influencing politics through soft power. It is important to remember that the UAE and Israel enjoy close ties even in the face of livestreamed Israel genocide of Palestinian children and adults. Therefore, Israel’s arming of both the genocidaires and the victim of genocide is not an anomaly in its foreign policy at all. It underlines that Israel relations with other states is solely based on whether those states oppose or support its occupation of Palestine. It has extraordinarily little to do with human rights and peaceful diplomacy. Secondly, it also highlights the way in which Rwanda like Israel uses its genocide trauma as a weapon to suppress domestic and international criticism of its trespasses of international law.
Paul Kagame was the first and only African Head of State to address the controversial Zionist lobby group, American Israel Public Affairs Committee or AIPAC. In his 2017 address to the most influential lobby group in the US Kagame said, “Together with friends like the United States, we must call for renewed global solidarity against the reckless efforts to deny genocide and to trivialize the victims.” Consider these words in the context of approximately 6 million people killed in eastern DRC since 1996, and an estimated 800 000 people in Gaza since Oct 8, 2023.
Trump’s Selective Human Rights Advocacy: South Africa vs. Palestine
U.S. President Donald Trump’s recent remarks on South Africa’s land reform policies have reignited debates about his selective approach to human rights. His claims that white South African farmers face persecution is part of a broader narrative that distorts the complexities of land reform and historical injustice.
Yet Trump’s concern for land rights appears highly selective when compared to his policies on Palestine. His administration’s endorsement of illegal Israeli settlements and displacement of Palestinian communities stands in stark contrast to his rhetoric on South Africa. Reports suggesting Trump-backed business interests in Gaza raise further questions about the motivations behind his policies.
The UAE and Saudi Arabia: Power Brokers in Africa and the Middle East
While much attention is given to Western involvement in African affairs, Gulf states such as the UAE and Saudi Arabia have increasingly played a role in shaping regional politics. Their investments in extractive industries, infrastructure projects, and arms deals have strengthened their influence both in Africa and the Middle East.
The financial leverage of these nations has also made them key players in U.S. and European foreign policy. Their involvement in trade and security agreements has helped shape geopolitical strategies, often reinforcing existing power structures rather than promoting equitable development.
In December 2022, the DRC signed a 25-year contract with the UAE’s Primera Group, granting it exclusive rights to export artisanal mined gold at preferential rates. This deal aimed at curbing smuggling and increasing tax revenues from the artisanal mining sector. However, the exclusivity of this arrangement faced criticism, leading to the DRC taking full control of Primera Gold in August 2024 and seeking new international buyers for its gold.
In 2020, the U.S. Department of the Treasury sanctioned Belgian businessman Alain Goetz and his network of companies, including UAE-based entities Agor DMCC and Goetz Gold LLC. These companies were accused of sourcing illicit gold from mines in DRC regions controlled by armed groups, thereby contributing to conflict and instability.
The financial leverage of the gulf nations has also made them key players in U.S. and European foreign policy. Their involvement in trade and security agreements has helped shape geopolitical strategies, often reinforcing existing power structures rather than promoting equitable development.
A Call for Economic Sovereignty and Regional Cooperation
The relationships between the DRC, Rwanda, South Africa, and Israel highlight broader issues of economic exploitation, geopolitical influence, and human rights. Whether through resource extraction, military partnerships, or political maneuvering, these entanglements underscore the need for a reimagined global order—one where African state are not merely sites of extraction and political leverage.
For meaningful change, there must be a concerted effort to reclaim economic sovereignty, strengthen regional alliances, and resist the pressures of external powers that seek to dictate Africa’s future. The path forward lies in policies that prioritize self-determination and equitable development over external dependency and exploitation. It should be clear that the Palestinian cause against Zionist oppression is intimately linked to the struggle of millions of Congolese whose mineral wealth benefits all but them.
The statements, views and opinions expressed in this column are solely those of the author and do not necessarily represent those of Independent Press.
Author:
Mariam Bibi Çarıkçı
Mariam Jooma Çarıkçı is a researcher with the Media Review Network and the author of ‘Kurdistan: Achievable reality or political mirage?’ (2013).
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